"Infrastructure is a fundamentally relational concept."
Star and Ruhleder (1996), "Steps Toward an Ecology of Infrastructure" (p. 113)
In their essay, "Steps Toward an Ecology of Infrastructure," Susan Leigh Star and Karen Ruhleder (1996) noted that infrastructure is often visualized as a "substrate: something upon which something else 'runs' or 'operates'," such as bridges, roads, or water pipes" (p. 112). Within the technology-rich contexts of their research, however, such a static notion of infrastructure "is neither useful nor accurate in understanding the relationship between work/practice and technology" (p. 112-13). In response, they developed a dynamic, alternative approach to infrastructure that understands it as "something that emerges for people in practice, connected to activities and structures" (p. 112). For them, "infrastructure is a fundamentally relational concept. It becomes infrastructure in relation to organized practices" (p. 113).
In what follows, I demonstrate the heuristic value of Star and Ruhleder's characteristics of infrastructure for exploring transnational writing programs. A provocative demonstration of the less obvious, dynamic, and evolving aspects of infrastructure identified by Star and Ruhleder (1996) can be seen in Mary N. Muchiri, Nshindi G. Mulamba, Greg Myers, and Deoscorous B. Ndoloi's (1995) essay, "Importing Composition: Teaching and Researching Academic Writing Beyond North America."
In their essay, Muchiri et al. (1996) presented their experience of "what happens to the published literature on composition" in international contexts (p. 353). In the process, they reveal how composition research itself constitutes infrastructure, and what U.S. and Canadian-based composition studies often take for granted (p. 176):
When considering the scope or reach of infrastructure, transnational writing teachers and administrators must consider how effectively any given policy, procedure, curriculum, activity, or technology at one campus extends across borders and campuses.
Here, as in my edited collection, Transnational Writing Program Administration (2015), I use the term "transnational" to describe the growing phenomenon that Grant McBurnie and Christopher Ziguras address in their book Transnational Education: Issues and trends in offshore higher education as "any education delivered by an institution based in one country to students located in another" (p. 1). But unlike "global" or "international," I use the term "transnational" because it also invokes a more critical, analytical orientation like that described by Rebeca Dingo in her book, Networking Arguments: Rhetoric, transnational feminism, and public policy. Dingo (2012) argued:
The term transnational, while defined in a number of ways, generally refers to how globalization has influenced the movement of people and the production of texts, culture, and knowledge across borders so that the strict distinctions among nations and national practices can become blurred. In the last ten years, disciplines throughout the humanities and social sciences have recognized that increasing globalization and enduring neoliberal economics have changed our understandings of citizenship, place, and texts. Drawing heavily from the fields of political science, sociology, geography, and women's studies, the emergent interdisciplinary field of transnational studies has sought to uncover, analyze, and conceptualize similarities, differences and interactions among trans-societal and trans-organizational realities and dynamics across time and space (Levitt and Khagram, p. 10–11). (p. 8–9)
By considering the infrastructure of transnational writing programs, my aim is to continue a critical conversation about the opportunities and implications for the learning, teaching and administration of writing across borders.
The bitter battle in the state of Wisconsin over the right of public employees to unionize and bargain collectively is now shifted to the courts and yet, the massive efforts to recall elected officials failed. The argument made by the Republican Governor, based upon a kind of market logic, is that after years of recession and continued economic downturns, the salaries and benefits of public employees, which were the result of collective bargaining, were too costly for the state to continue paying. Still, while the public employee unions agreed to reductions of pay and benefits, the governor insisting on his legislation in the Republican controlled legislature, despite the efforts of the minority Democrats to thwart the passage of the law, as well as widespread public support. An example of market logic gone awry: even when the unions agreed to reductions of pay and benefits to help close the budget deficit, the governor signed the law to restrict collective bargaining.